Tuesday, June 26, 2001
by Jacquelyn Horkan, Editor


BAD IDEAS NEVER DIE — THEY JUST ATTRACT BILLIONAIRES

     Thomas Malthus left this world in 1834 but the influence of the author of the so-called dismal theorem has yet to fade.

     According to the Malthus, the one billion humans on earth in the early 19th century would soon overrun the planet’s ability to feed them. Malthus predicted a "gigantic inevitable famine" that would, "with one mighty blow, level … the population."

     After two hundred years, the earth now supports six billion people, grain production sets new records every year, and caloric intake continues to rise. Malthus’s theory has been factually discredited but his pessimism still draws devotees, including three rich Americans with a combined total value of $98 billion.

     Bill Gates, Warren Buffet, and Ted Turner are devoting billions to solving the "problem" of too many people, despite worries that the world’s population will likely start dropping in the next 40 years or so. In other words, the imminent threat is depopulation, not over-population. Depopulation threatens economic expansion, by restricting the pool of available workers, and the existence of social welfare programs, such as Medicare and Social Security, that rely on a large numbers of young workers to fund benefits for retirees.

     The oddity of the Malthusian concerns of Gates, Buffet, and Turner is not limited to their devotion to a non-existent crisis. Rather, these men, who created their wealth through the free market, have aligned themselves with a cause supported by left-wing extremists of all persuasions, from anti-globalists to neo-Marxists to anarchists to the environmental fringe.

     These crusaders oppose corporate use of natural resources to satisfy consumer demands. They object strenuously, and sometimes violently, to capitalism and its marshalling of technology and private property. They belong to the activist corps that, among other things, forced Lowe’s and Home Depot to agree to discontinue the sale of products derived from "old growth" forests and public lands. Thus customers at these stores lose access to inexpensive, high-quality lumber and paper products.

     Businesses that respond with capitulation to public relations problems ginned up by activists, become passive partners in a scheme with the ultimate goal of destruction of the free-enterprise system. Let’s not forget that this same system responded to a 500-percent population increase over the last two centuries with technologies and methods that produced abundance and rendered Malthus obsolete. It deserves better treatment.

DRAWING THE WRONG LESSON

     Jim Horne has had his ups and down in the last couple of months. The Orange Park Republican just resigned his Senate seat to assume the leadership of Florida’s new public-education system. Before that he found himself embroiled in one of those mini-controversies that can spin out of control.

     In the closing days of the session an item slipped into the budget bill would have denied transportation money to Leon County unless a series of speed bumps were removed from a residential stretch on the road connecting the state Capitol to the Tallahassee airport. As appropriations chairman, Horne took responsibility for the speed-bump clause, which was later repealed, and bore the full brunt of the umbrage for this vexatious meddling in local affairs..

     As it turns out, the author of the speed-bump amendment was Senate President John MacKay (R-Bradenton). St. Pete Times columnist Lucy Morgan reports that Horne, who drives to and from Tallahassee, had never traveled over the stretch of road in question. In fact, he didn’t even know the item was in the budget until he saw the printed version.

     Now Horne is under fire for a $300,000 tax break he inserted in the budget for Coca-Cola, which bottles its Dasani brand of water in Jacksonville. The move has been denunciated as pork-barrel politics and Sen. MacKay has cited the episode as evidence of the difficulty the Legislature will face in reforming the state’s tax code. Actually it is neither pork nor evidence.

     Dasani is the only brand of bottled water sold in the state that is subject to the sales tax because the treatment method used qualifies the bubble-free liquid as a carbonated beverage. Horne’s tax exemption merely extends the tax treatment of bottled water to Dasani, and eases the burden on stores that had to handle one brand of water differently from all the rest.

     Instead of signifying the difficulty of reforming a complex tax code, the Dasani episode illustrates the difficulty of administering a complex tax code in desperate need of reform.

TAX GAP WIDENS

     In late May, the Congressional Budget Office issued an exhaustive study of trends in Americans’ income and tax burden from 1979 to 1997 (available at http://www.cbo.gov). Soon after, the liberal think tank Center on Budget and Policy Priorities released its analysis of the CBO study (available at http://www.cbpp.org), drawing a conclusion different from that indicated by the CBO data.

     The CBO study showed a 157-percent increase in after-tax income for the wealthiest one percent of households, while those in the lowest quintile (or 20 percent) actually experienced an inflation-adjusted drop in after-tax income of $100 (1997 dollars) from 1979 to 1997. While this last number may seem to refute the "rising tide lifts all boats" theory of economic expansion, it’s important to remember that those among the poorest 20 percent of Americans in 1979 most likely did not stay there long. According to the CBO, 12.5 percent of the people move up at least one quintile in any one year while another 12.5 percent move down.

     The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, however, dismisses income mobility as a negligible factor. The center also parts ways with the CBO on changes in the tax burden. According to the center, the rich are not only getting richer at the expense of the poor; the rich are benefiting from a lower average effective tax rate (taxes as a share of income). Indeed, the effective tax rate fell for all income quintiles, but most drastically among the top one percent.

     In making its political point, however, the center had to ignore another important discovery by the CBO. In 1997 the top 20-percent of households earned 53 percent of pre-tax income, up from 46 percent in 1979, but their share of the federal tax burden also increased, from 57 percent to 65 percent. Households in the bottom three quintiles paid seven percent of federal taxes. The richest 20 percent of households face an effective tax rate more than five times that of the lowest quintile. Households in the lowest quintile with children actually benefited from a growing negative tax rate, a result of the earned income tax credit, by which the federal government pays them money rather than collecting income tax from them.

     A progressive tax code — one that levies higher taxes on greater wealth — is the lodestar of liberals because, theoretically it evens the scales by redistributing wealth to those on the lower rungs. The expansion of the earned income tax credit has increased the progressivity of the federal tax but, as the CBO report suggest, progressivity has failed to live up to its promises.

     Another important point: The increase in the share of income going to the wealthiest Americans is fueling the budget surplus.

     The conclusion conspicuously avoided by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is simple. Soak-the-rich tax policies don’t help the poor. Using the tax code to redistribute income from the haves to the have-nots doesn’t work. More income and fewer taxes is what fuels the economy and funds the government.


Jacquelyn Horkan is editor of Florida Business Insight, Associated Industries of Florida’s on-line magazine (e-mail: jhorkan@aif.com).


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